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Douglas Mwonzora |
Agenda
Special Edition.
Vol 4 No 1 2001
Vol 4 No 1 2001
By Douglas Mwonzora
It little profits anybody to try to stop
efforts towards a new Democratic Constitution in Zimbabwe.
Both
President Robert Mugabe and the Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary
Affairs, Patrick Chinamasa, have already intimated to the nation that
constitutional reform is no longer priority in Zimbabwe. This intimation means
basically that the injustices, which are caused by the current constitution,
remain. In particular, the President retains the power to declare war or make
peace, to validate or invalidate election results, to solely appoint the
Election Directorate, the Delimitation Commission and the Electoral Supervisory
Commission. Of fundamental importance is that he retains an unlimited term of
office together with his other arbitrary powers. Yet the Government and ZANU
(PF) think that the redress of these injustices caused by the operation of the
current Constitution is not priority.
We submit that it is myopic
of ZANU (PF) and President
Mugabe to refuse constitutional reform. The President and ZANU (PF) no longer
dominate or monopolise political thinking in Zimbabwe and it is not far-fetched
that they may lose political power. That means therefore, that whoever takes
over power from President Mugabe, inherits the same draconian powers as the
President has under the current Constitution. That person may equally use those
powers to suppress President Mugabe, ZANU (PF) and everybody in the very manner
that the President and ZANU (PF) are suppressing their political opponents. For
the president must know that in as much as he does not monopolise wisdom, he
does not monopolise brutality. It is therefore in the best interests of ZANU
(PF) and President Mugabe in particular, to accept and promote constitutional
reform. After all, the President and ZANU (PF) have the opportunity of
partidpatingintheAll Stakeholders Conference and register and advance their
constitutional interests, including personal and constitutional protection
under the new democratic Constitution. From the National Constitutional
Assembly (NCA) position therefore, why a party or a person refuses the unique
opportunity of being with the people in shaping the destiny of the country
baffles the mind.
There
are those who believe that the first step should be to take over power and then
change the Constitution as what happened in Senegal. With due respect, this
belief is as equally myopic and as unreasonable.
For
it allows the successor to President Mugabe to be a temporary "despot".
It then presupposes prospective goodwill and willingness on the part of the
temporary despot to relinquish despotism at a later stage and allow a
democratic constitutional process. The simple question not considered by the
proponents of this theory is : what if the temporary despot does not relinquish
despotism just as President Mugabe has not relinquished his despotism? It is
therefore risky to entrust the • destiny of Zimbabwe to one person who after
all may turn out to be the duplicate or a perfected alter ego of President
Mugabe.
Further,
the proponents of this theory forget that the Presidential elections would
obviously take place under the current Constitution with the current President
having the powers to appoint the electoral organs as well as the power to
validate or invalidate the results of the Presidential elections themselves.
The current President will still have the powers to set or proclaim election
dates and make statutory instruments that govern the conduct of elections.
Under
the current Constitution, free and fair presidential elections remain illusory.
It is there not in the best interests of the opposition to postpone the
Constitutional agenda until they are in power.
There
are those in the opposition who now.believe in the so-called "lukewarm
approach", where the constitutional reform is left to the Parliament, as
presently constituted. This argument raises interesting moral questions. In
principle, the NCA condemned the Constitutional Commission (CQ on the inter alia
basis that it did not accept the constitutional reform process to be a preserve
of Parliament
The
Constitution must be made by all stakeholders who include Parliament itself,
trade unions, peasants, ex-combatants, indigenous farmers, commercial farmers
and other interest groups. The benign agenda of the NCA cannot stand and should
not change because some people are in Parliament.
After
all, the present Parliament cannot legally make a democratic constitution
because constitutional change requires a two-thirds majority. Further, this
Parliament is too polarised to be capable of any consensus.
AfteralL constitutional reform demands
soberness and not the heckling, singing and booing that we have noticed in our
Parliament.
We
therefore conclude that the new democratic Constitution is the salvation of our
people. We accordingly have called for an All Stakeholders Conference to design
the process and drafting of a new democratic constitution.
NB-This article was first published in the NCA's Agenda Newsletter on the 1st of March 2001
*Douglas Mwonzora is a legal practitioner in private practice and is the current spokesperson of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA).
*Douglas Mwonzora is a legal practitioner in private practice and is the current spokesperson of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA).
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