Comment Zimbabwe Independent November 1999
WHEREAS
the constitutional commission's spin-doctors have been telling the public
almost ad nauseam that "the people have spoken" it appears we are about to witness a monumental fraud. The people have been deceived and indeed, robbed if this draft is anything to go
by.
This
newspaper, the National Constitutional Assembly and many others who argued against participating in the fatally-Sawed government-sponsored reform process under the Commissions
of Inquiry Act,
have been vindicated. For
the sake of this nation, we kept our fingers crossed that our fears be proven
wrong. Unfortunately that
has not been the case. Those that jumped into bed
with Zanu PF must now realise
that they have been used to legitimise a
self-serving reform process.
Most
of the ruling party's constitutional proposals to the commission have got the
nod ahead of submissions made by the general public, opposition political
parties and other interest groups. Zanu PF
has again triumphed over the will of the people The ruling party, dragged into
constitutional reform kicking and screaming by civil society, has shown beyond
any shadow of doubt its contempt for the electorate. The tragedy is that the
constitutional commission has succumbed
to Zanu PFs seduction.
Constitution-making
is always a high stakes
game as it | is essentially about who holds political
power. And Zanu ' PF, aided and abated by the dubious constitutional commission,
has shown that it is not prepared to listen to deafening pleas for a vibrant democracy from the people.
As
Chief Emeka Anyaoku observed last week, a constitution is about a'people
deciding how they want to be governed. "It is
not about the government or anyone else telling the people how they ought to be
governed," he said, adding that it was vital that the constitution came
from below and not from above.
The
people have told the commission in unambiguous terms how they want
to be governed. This has largely |been disregarded.
The draft constitution is an imposition from above as it does not even begin to approximate the people's written and oral
submissions. As we suspected, the commission's
so-called outreach programme was a monumental
fraud. It was an expensive charade and a deceptive exercise intended to give
the false impression of a participatory democracy.
While
all the 10 provinces unanimously agreed that the office of provincial governors
should be abolished, the
draft has surprisingly
retained them. An overwhelming number of provinces, 6 out of 10, said they preferred proportional
representation in parliament, a position supported by two political parties and
the CZI, among
Comment
other
interest groups. The commission has back-handed all
this. For a young democracy such as ours proportional representation has clear advantages, such as nurturing smaller
political parties, thereby underpinning pluralism.
The greatest political aberration in the draft
is the decision to misrepresent the public's opposition to the aU-tcopowerfuI
executive presidency. Six out of 10 provinces clearly stated they wanted a
non-executive president as head of state with an executive prime minister.
This majority view has been shunted aside for what the ruling party and its mandarins in the commission want The people's
attempts to rid themselves of the abuse of political office by a powerful
president appear to have been thwarted.
While
the thematic committee on
separation of powers recommended that
there must be no more than
15 cabinet ministers, the
commission, in yet another show of arrogance, has insisted on having 20 posts.
The public's concerns about a huge government
impacting negatively on the budget deficit have not struck a single cord in
the ruling party which dominates the commission.
To
be fair though, there
are some positive aspects
in the draft. For instance there liave
been attempts to put in checks and balances on
presidential powers although it is difficult to see how this will work with so
much power still .vested in one person. As
far as economic management is concerned the limits on public debt, state guarantees and borrowings are welcome. The elimination of non-constituent MPs and the reform of funding for
political parties remove some of the hurdles to a vibrant democracy.
We
are opposed to the proposed legislated commission to "promote and enforce good practice and ethics in the media" as
there is a danger this could be used to stifle press freedom. It is further evidence of the media-intolerant Zanu PF's fingerprints on this
draft constitution. It could have dire consequences for media diversity.
If
the ruling party can tamper
with people's views in
broad daylight then there is little prospect that it will stand by and watch
its constitution being
rejected by the people In a
referendum. Its skills in vote-rigging and intimidation will be put into use to arrive at a preferred verdict This, without doubt is a
Zanu PF constitution and the people might yet live to write their own truly
democratic basic law.
The people clearly called for a complete overhaul of the current constitution. But all they are
likely to get is an amended version retaining most of the negative provisions
of the Lancaster House document. There is hope yet If those genuine reformers
within the commission stand up for their principles and opt for the side of
the people. It is that or they could elect to show their disgust over the draft
by resigning before the plenary. Their collective
credibility and the future of this country are In jeopardy.
nb-This article was published by the Zimbabwe Independent in November 1999
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